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Capitulation to Hezbollah

One in a series of publications by the "Thomas Jefferson" of Israel.
First posted 14 August, 2006. Also read The Myth of Israeli Democracy.

More articles are available via http://www.foundation1.org.

Capitulation: What's Next

Prof. Paul Eidelberg 


here is an abundance of newspaper articles denouncing Olmert and the UN Cease Fire Resolution.  Caroline Glick of the Jerusalem Post rightly calls it an “unmitigated disaster.” Ari Shavit of Ha’aretz not only says “Olmert must go,” but he blames the decadence of Israel’s ruling elites for this disaster.

   (Time in Jerusalem)

A.  The UN Resolution

1. The Resolution signals a stunning victory for Hezbollah and its patrons Iran and Syria—hence a defeat not only for Israel but for the United States.

2. With UNIFIL in southern Lebanon, it will be impossible for Israel to defend itself in the future from Hezbollah attacks without incurring UN condemnation.

3. No mechanism is created to enforce the embargo on arms supplies to Hezbollah from Iran and Syria.

4. In the absence of an effective UN force, no provision is made for the enforcement of UN Security Council resolution 1559 to disarm Hezbollah’s terrorist army.  (Lebanese prime minister Fouad Siniora even complained that the resolution “gives Hezbollah better protection than us.”

5. Israel will be forced to withdraw from southern Lebanon before full deployment of a beefed up UN force is in place.  The resulting vacuum will allow Hezbollah to regroup on Israel’s northern border.

6. Israel may lose control of the Shaba Farms or Mount Dov—a massive area of the Golan Heights that separates Israel from Syria.

7. The resolution lacks any operative clause for the released of IDF soldiers Ehud Goldwasser and Eldad Regev.

B.  What has Hezbollah Accomplished?

1.  Afflicted heavy casualties on Israeli soldiers and civilians.

2.  Destroyed much of northern Israel.  

3.  Humiliated the IDF in the eyes of the world.

4.  Undermined U.S. confidence in Israel as a strategic asset.

5.  United the Muslim world against Israel.

6.  Strengthened its position in Lebanon.

7.  Is positioned to gain control of the government, in which case Sheikh Hassan Nasrallah will become Lebanon’s prime minister.  Iran will then be on Israel’s northern border.

C.  What Next

1. Of course the Olmert government must be toppled as soon as possible.  Kadima and Labor as well as Meretz will lose several seats.  Israel Beiteinu, Likud, and National Union will form the next government together with the religious parties.  But this will not give Israel what is most needed: an in-depth understanding of why Israel lost the war and will lose the next one unless basic changes are made in the character of the regime.

a. It’s not sufficient to emphasize inadequate military intelligence, the failure to launch a ground invasion, and having an air force man as Chief of Staff. 

b. Shavit is right to mention the cowardly “political correctness” the of Israel’s political and intellectual elites—meaning their  effete desire for peace.  He also disparages the consumerism, self-indulgence, and complacency infecting much of Israel society; but he doesn’t quite go to the root of the problem.

2. Although the decadence of Israel’s ruling elites—Left, Right, and Center—is now more obvious than ever, what is the basic cause of this decadence? 

3. The system of secular education that produces decadence throughout the West—a system permeated by moral relativism.  

a. Relativism severs Israel’s political, judicial and military elites from the beliefs and values the Jewish heritage.  It rendered it easier for the Sharon government to expel 10,000 Jews from their homes and farms, destroy their schools and synagogues, and yield Jewish land to Islamofascists.

b. Relativism undermines confidence in the justice of Israel’s cause. I have seen this relativism in universities and in the statements of Israel’s ruling elites.

c. Relativism undermines abhorrence of the enormous evil surrounding Israel—meaning the genocidal intentions of Israel’s Arab neighbors.  Lacking the courage to face this evil,

(1) prompts Israeli prime ministers to seek peace with Arab despots whose media propagate murderous hatred of Israel;

(2) fosters the delusion of peace, disarms our people, undermines vigilance, diminishes the military budget—so that the government fails to take the steps necessary to deter and defeat aggression.

 4. A Less Obvious Cause: An Undemocratic and Unstable System of Governance

a. Since members of the Knesset, 20 whom become cabinet ministers, are not elected by and accountable to the voters in constituency elections, they can ignore public opinion with impunity.  This is what Sharon did when he implemented the Labor Party’s “unilateral disengagement” plan, even though it was rejected by more than 70% of the voters in the 2003 election. 

b. The Supreme Court, a self-perpetuating oligarchy whose decisions often violate the abiding beliefs and values of the Jewish people, legalized Sharon’s betrayal of the nation by declaring Judea, Samaria, and Gaza “belligerent occupied territory.” 

c. Multi-party cabinet government, which produces governments whose average duration is less than two years, makes long-range planning impossible.

D. What is to be Done?

1.  First, a National Commission of Inquiry, however necessary, is not an expeditious way to deal with the present crisis.  Nor are demonstrations lacking a program for Systemic change.  Demonstrations can be counterproductive when they divert public attention and resources from the root causes of Israel’s malaise. 

2. In 1996 I met with members of the Executive Committee of Professors for a Strong Israel and urged them to form a “Congress of National Salvation.”  In 2001 I made the same proposal to various other extra-parliamentary nationalist groups.  The following year I met with a spokesman of Manhigut Yehudit and urged him to form a “shadow government” in anticipation of a war that would lead to the collapse of the government.  This had to be done, I said, before the Establishment recovered from defeat and maintain the institutional status quo. 

3.  In each case I had prepared a program or working paper for regime change.  The paper embodied a comprehensive set of national policies, a proposal for professional committees that parallel government ministries, and a grass roots movement to galvanize the nation.  Apparently, these efforts of mine were premature.

4.  Therefore, I now call upon you to join me in the formation of a “Movement for Regime Change.”  This Movement will have a two-sided goal. 

a. On the negative side, this Movement will reveal that Israel is not a genuine democracy.  This is a basic cause of Israel’s sickness in general, and of its failure to deter or defeat Hezbollah aggression in particular.

b. On the positive side, the Movement for Regime Change will restore Jewish national health by promoting a unique Jewish form of democracy, one that uses democratic principles to make Israel more Jewish, and Jewish principles to make Israel more democratic.

c. I have published a concise, reader-friendly booklet that articulates these goals.  Also, our Foundation’s website is a virtual library on Israel’s flawed mentality and institutions and how they may be corrected. 

I invite those of you who are interested to write or call me.  Email: eidelberg@foundation1.org; Tel. 02-586-1207.  By the way, I have an office suite that can accommodate 30 to 40 people for meetings and seminars.

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